History, Origin, Culture and Tradition of Ezeagu Local Government Area in Enugu state

 
Ezeagu is a Local Government Area in Enugu State, southeastern Nigeria. Its administrative center is in Aguobu-Owa, and the LGA was officially established in 1976, carved out of the old Udi Division.

##Ancestral Roots
According to oral tradition, the progenitor of the Ezeagu people was a man named Ezeagu, a descendant of Igbudu, son of Kwekwo, who in turn was born to Gboko. Gboko, believed to have ancestral ties with the people of Gahd, is said to have migrated from the region of the Niger Confluence—likely in present-day central Nigeria—and eventually settled in what is now Gboko, located in Benue State.

In another version of the story, Igbudu is said to have fled from the Igala territory along the Benue River, moving southward into the Igbo cultural region to escape the disruptions of the Fulani slave raids. Kwekwo, son of Gboko, remained in his homeland due to the fertile nature of the land and became a prominent farmer.

Kwekwo had two sons: Igbudu and Ugbokolu. Over time, the brothers parted ways, migrating southward in separate directions. Although the passage of time has blurred the connections, some cultural similarities between Ugbokolu (in Benue State) and the people of Ezeagu still endure.

##The Founding of Ezeagu Settlements
Igbudu had three sons: Ogalah, Otekwa, and Owah. The youngest, Owah, was an accomplished hunter. During his expeditions in the 12th century, he journeyed southward and eventually settled near today’s Olie-Owa market in Imezi-Owa.

The land area now known as Ezeagu spans approximately 621,870 square kilometers, with an estimated population density of 181 people per square kilometer. It lies in the western part of Enugu State, bordered by Uzo-Uwani to the north, Oji River to the south, Udi to the east, and Anambra State to the west. The topography includes 20% wetlands, 10% highlands, and 70% flat plains.

The name "Ezeagu" is derived from two Igbo words: "Eze" (king) and "Agu" (lion or farm). It symbolizes either “King of the Farm” or “King of Lions,” a title that reflects Owah’s prowess as both a farmer and a hunter.

##Family and Clan Structure
Ezeagu had two wives: Mgbo-Olie, his first wife from the Okpogho community, and Udeagu, his second wife from Nkanu. Mgbo-Olie gave birth to Owa, Oghe, Oghu, and later Obah (today's Awba Ofemili in Anambra). Udeagu bore only one child, Umuna, a name which implies "one child that is as valuable as many.”

Owa’s Lineage: Owa, Ezeagu’s eldest son, stayed in their ancestral home while his brothers ventured outward in search of more fertile land. He had seven sons in Imezi-Owa: Umudioha, Amaokpogho, Ogwofia, Umuaji, Ezema, Umuagba, and Umudim. Due to diminishing soil fertility, representatives from Umudioha and Amaokpogho relocated to form Ndiagu, a farming outpost in Mgbagbu-Owa.

With the increase in long-distance travel between these communities during the era of slave raids, the five mobile lineages from Owa established a new settlement, Aguobu-Owa, midway between Imezi-Owa and Mgbagbu-Owa. To this day, families from the three Owa settlements share strong kinship ties, with inter-family support systems that extend to marriage and burial customs.

Oghe’s Descendants: Oghe, Ezeagu’s second son, settled near Olie-Oghe and married a woman also named Mgbo-Olie, from Okpogho. Initially childless, she later bore Owe, Akama, and Neke. Oghe later married Udenkwo from Ibite-Olo, who, driven by jealousy, bewitched Mgbo-Olie into temporary barrenness. Udenkwo had two sons: Amankwo and Amansiodo. However, Mgbo-Olie was eventually cured by a powerful dibia named Ojenammuo and went on to give birth to Oyofo and Iwollo.

These children formed two major lineages in Oghe:

Ikenge: Owe, Akama, Neke, Oyofo, Iwollo (Mgbo-Olie’s children)

Ibute-Oha: Amankwo, Amansiodo, Akassa, Umunum-Oba-Agu, Umuhum (Udenkwo’s children)

As time went on, warfare and the slave trade led to the fragmentation of some of these families. For instance, Owe’s descendants sought refuge in Iwollo, while Neke survived through the security offered by the Odo cult, still active in Neke and Okpogho.

##Prominent Sub-Communities in Oghe
Amankwo: Comprising Umu-enechi, Okinito, and Enugu-Agu. This community shares borders with Neke, Iwollo, Okpogho, and other nearby towns.

Iwollo: Originally settled at Imama, Iwollo consists of six clans: Ezeonyia, Ndibunagu, Amagu, Obunagu, Owoloti, and Enugu. Over time, migrants from Ibibio and Igala added cultural depth through masquerade traditions and healing practices.

Amansiodo: Made up of Ihuonyia, Abaenyi, and Umudim. Ihuonyia eventually relocated northward and took with him a representative from the Umuodigbo line. The territory expanded to border communities such as Amankwo, Akama, and Egede.

Akama: A significant community whose sons were Isiokwe, Imama, and Enugwu n’Agbani. Akama played a vital role in territorial expansion, interacting with several neighboring clans and spanning the Ajalli River.

Neke: Located at the heart of the Oghe clan, Neke holds symbolic significance and is nicknamed both "the womb of the elephant" and "the sea within Oghe". Neke’s children—Onechi, Enugu, Imama, and Ajanigwugwu—spread far into Nike and Isi-Uzo areas. There are also suggested links between Neke Oghe and Umu-Neke in Udi.


##Legacy and Structure
Despite historic hardships such as the slave trade, inter-clan rivalries, and territorial pressures, Ezeagu has preserved its familial bonds and cultural traditions. Sacred practices like the Odo cult, storytelling, kinship networks, and shared festivals maintain the identity of these communities.

Today, the Ezeagu people remain deeply connected to their heritage, land, and values. From the symbolic beginnings of Ezeagu as "King of the Land", the story of this LGA is one of migration, resilience, and unity across generations.

Oyofo's Lineage And Spiritual Connections: Oyofo, the sixth offspring of Oghe, fathered nine sons in the following sequence: UMUIGILIGI, UMUEJI, UMUANOBU, UMUANI, UMUATU, AMAETITI, UMUOLUE, OGBONDIM, and UMUGHILIBE. Oyofo established connections with the IGALA people, who settled in the region and imparted their knowledge to the residents of Oyofo and Oghe, encompassing all levels of dibia (traditional medicine practitioners). While both Oghe and Ezeagu had practiced dibia across various levels, their interaction with the Igala introduced a broader range of skills and expertise into Oyofo's spiritual practices.

A notable figure in this exchange was Nebechi Okachi, a young man who became a prominent Igbo presence in Igala gatherings, earning the trust and confidence of these experts. It is said that Nebechi was a practicing occultist of some repute and was enterprising enough to have traveled north to master the Hausa language, seemingly the only native in the vicinity to do so. Others contend that Nebechi Okachi learned Hausa, Igala, and Pidgin English from his Igala friends. On one occasion, the young man was in the company of the Igala Chief when a white man arrived. The Igala Chief acted as the intermediary between the white man and the native. Nebechi objected to the white man's use of an Igala interpreter who did not understand the native dialect. The Igala claimed to be fluent in the native tongue but could not interpret eight statements made by young Nebechi, including "Akidi-kidibum-kidibum," "Mmakwuuo-awulu," and others. Nebechi prevailed. He became the first person in the Udi locality to be appointed Warrant Chief. To solidify his authority, Nebechi instigated the massacre of the Igala in the area known as Inyi-Igala (grave of the Igala).

Dibia Practices In Oyofo, Neke, and Iwollo: A distinguishing feature in print was the prevalence of successful native doctors (Dibia) across all family blocks in Oyofo, Neke, and Iwollo. While dibias in most Ezeagu villages are part-time, Oyofo produced full-time dibias who traveled to distant lands, peddling their medicinal expertise. They were specialists in the areas of (Mgbalugwu n mkpa-akwukwo) herbs, roots, and leaves.

Oyofo also experienced migration, as some dibias, especially the unmarried young men, never returned but married and settled elsewhere. It is said that Oyofo (Oyoho), wherever they are, are emigrants from Oyofo Oghe. Oyofo shares boundaries with Neke, Iwollo, Awha, and Owa at the Ajalli River.

##THE DIMINISHING OF OZO-NEBECHI
Onyeama, who was appointed Warrant Chief in 1908 when the white man arrived in Eke from Oghe, did not waste time in setting out his plan to diminish Chief Ozo Nebechi Okachi, his senior in the eyes of the colonial government. Approval was given for four courts out of Udi, among which was the court of Oghe at Ugwuetiti, under the command of Chief Ozo-Nebechi Okachi, with jurisdiction over Nsude, Obioma, Eke, Ngwo, Owa, Ebe, Umugwuonye, Awha, Umuejebeogene, Olo, and others. This confirmed Chief Ozo-Nebechi Okachi as the most powerful Chief in the Agbaja tribe. As the Ugwuetiti court and road building were underway, Onyeama called a meeting of elders from Oghe and declared, "Okachi has brought trouble for you because he has a court; and it means that every time you quarrel with your wives, she can take you to court and you will be tried." There was a rebellion against Chief Ozo-Nebechi Okachi by Oghe Elders.

Onyeama refused to contribute labor towards the court project but assembled workers to warn them away from the project work, claiming that the tasks disrupted their farm work and led to subsequent poverty. He termed it forced labor. The laborers from Abachi and the road-builders from Ogbaotibo abandoned their work and fled, while Okachi's own workers took him to court for forced labor. However, Okachi won the case, and the plaintiffs were imprisoned for six months. It was rumored that Chief Onyeama paid one Agu-wanze, an Oyofo, to shoot Chief Ozo-Nebechi Okachi while he was eating in his Mkpo. The bullets intercepted the food (okpoko-nri) that was about to enter his mouth. Onyeama also paid a native named Oguejiofor Nwanigbogu to set fire to the court at Ugwuetiti. Before Chief Okachi knew what was happening, armed policemen came to his house to arrest him, saying he was wanted at Udi by the District Officer. At Udi, the D.O. said to Okachi, through an interpreter, "I hear you saw fit to have the court set on fire?" As the D.O. understood it, Okachi had been so disheartened by the recent rebellions against labor that he decided to wash his hands off the whole matter and burnt the court. Okachi denied the charge. Whereupon the D.O. produced his chief witness, Oguejiofor, who had started the fire. Oguejiofor alleged that while Okachi was taking his horse for an afternoon canter, he had stopped him on the way and given him (produced a box of matches) and instructed him to burn down the court. Okachi dismissed the charge as pure fabrication. The D.O. shook his head and said, "Well, it is Onyeama who brought this charge, and I'm afraid I will have to stand by his story." Okachi was sentenced to a month's imprisonment. He was to appeal to District Commissioner Humphrey, but the Commissioner had traveled for six months.

Chief Onyeama sent the Ogbanito age-grade to bring all the materials used for the court at Ugwuetiti down to Eke, and with the materials, set up a court at Nkwo-Eke market place.

Chief Onyeama filed new charges that implicated Okachi in the murder of a child; that he abetted the killing of the child. However, Okachi was exonerated on this charge of abetting murder.

The fact that Onyeama had effected the arrest and imprisonment of the Great Chief Ozo-Nebechi Okachi and had taken over as head of the old Ugwuetiti Native Court diminished Okachi's status; he became a vassal chief to Chief Onyeama, who later was crowned Okuru Awha of the Agbaja tribe.

##OGHU'S MIGRATION
Oghu, the third son of Ezeagu, settled near Oghe at the present Amankwo. History relates that four generations of Oghu lived in their abode before hostilities and pressure by Amankwo and also by slave raiders dislodged them to migrate across the great river Duu. Oghu is now in Udi Local Government Area. Amankwo (Achala-ifu-ani, Nkakwu Chufulu-Anina na buchie benye) literally refers to Amankwo dislodging Oghu and taking over her home.

##OBAH'S RELOCATION
Obah, the fifth son of Ezeagu and the fourth son of Mgbo-Olie, settled in an area close to Oghe in the Ofilofi, now held by Akama. Obah could not withstand the pressure and regular invasions by Akama, Eke, and by wild animals from the Offia-Ofilofi, leading the remnants to flee and end up at the present Awba Ofemili, now in Anambra State.

##The Rise And Fall Of Umuhu
Umuhu was a people that lived in an area that bordered with Okpogho Imezi, Amankwo-Ndiagu, Amansiodo, and Ihuonyia. The name (Umuhum) Umuhu literally means "children are my endowment." They are said to have been highly populated and also very wealthy. History has it that this people did not die for a very long period, numbering many years.

They attended funeral ceremonies in other villages and enjoyed the colorful entertainment, music, and cult group displays in funerals of Ozo title holders, Diji, and wealthy citizens. Umuhu elders, in a meeting in their Ebete, before the Ndi-ihu, resolved and imported the corpse of an Ozo. They buried the corpse and organized a very colorful and expensive funeral ceremony. Every male adult contributed a big mole of pounded yam (Nsu-Nri-ji), deposited at a central pool. The male adults contributed a keg of special palm wine, also poured to fill many giant clay pots (ite-ngwu-na-ani). Dance groups, singers, Okwa-iko, Odabolu-chi, Opu-anu-ike, and Ugene, among others, performed in great numbers. Soon after, death dwelt with the people, and they died in scores, leading to their extinction. Survivors, if any, melted into Amankwo and Amansiodo. Today, references are still made of (Umuhu-na-aghu-ozu-nghughu), meaning the Umuhu that borrows or imports corpses.

##Ile Ceremonies And The Legend Of Chibulu-ude
Ile assemblies are organized to commemorate the exit of a hero, a warrior, and a powerful dibia. Dibias and those who acquired outstanding charms go out in the assembly to show off power, challenge, and contest for supremacy. The long procession would transverse the Oghe clan, sounding the Ogene in especially strange rhythmic manners. Only those lion-hearted men, ready to harm, maim, destroy, or even kill when challenged, are qualified for the procession. Others who trust their charms would dare to challenge the procession to test and identify a weak link in the chain.

One Chibulu-ude Mma-ebulu, Onye-nti, Mmvulu, was challenged by a friend to attend the oncoming Ile if he were a man. Chibulu-ude boasted back and told his friend that he would not only attend but would occupy two strategic positions in the chain; that he would be at the front and at the back of the line at the procession. Persons have in the past boasted of this double position phenomenon, but no person, they say, actually double-positioned or was witnessed to be double-positioned. In preparation for the Ile outing, Chibulu-ude entered a period of strict seclusion lasting seven days and seven nights. During this time, he sustained himself only on roasted yam seasoned with select herbs and leaves. He avoided all contact with women, abstained from palm oil, and refused alcohol—ritual discipline meant to sharpen his spiritual focus.

In the early morning hours of the ceremony day, he gathered his fortified charms and the powerful Ofor onu-atu (a sacred staff of high mystical potency), and concealed them in a hollow (Ujuu) of a kola nut tree along the path to the ceremonial grounds. Not long after, the tree began to shed its leaves at an alarming rate. This unusual occurrence caught the attention of an elder named Ezejiofor Nduolo, who had noticed Chibulu-ude loitering around the area earlier. Alarmed, the elders convened and launched a swift search.

Chibulu-ude was apprehended just as he approached the tree to retrieve his hidden spiritual arsenal. He was detained for three days at Agbu (a spiritual holding center) as punishment for what the elders described as a reckless attempt at spiritual intimidation. They believed the items he had intended to use were reserved for grave matters—such as tribal wars—not for ceremonial displays. Despite multiple rituals intended to neutralize the spiritual disruption, the kola tree eventually withered and died, marking a rare example of irreversible mystical backlash.

##Ufee – Music Of Power And Honor
The Ufee musical ensemble is composed of a quartet of intricately carved Ekwe (wooden slit drums), each of distinct tone and pitch. Together, they communicate through coded rhythms, conveying themes of greatness, nobility, and ancestral pride. Only a select few families across Ezeagu communities possess the traditional right to play Ufee, and its performance is both rare and sacred.

Ufee is central to the conferment of the prestigious Ozo title. Its performance marks two key moments in a titled individual’s life: initiation and burial. When the Ufee drums are played, only titled men (Ozo) and their female counterparts (Lolo) may dance. Those who have advanced significantly in Ozo title stages—especially holders of the Di-Ario level and above—are honored with the opportunity to dance during Ufee ceremonies. Such candidates must ritually sacrifice a goat at the onu-oku-ifejioku, during the annual Ife-Jioku festival (a celebration of the yam deity).

The Ufee ensemble visits an Ozo twice: once to elevate him in life, and once to accompany him in death. Hence the saying:
“Okwa-oku-na-abo-na-akpo-dike, Okpo-nya-na-ndu, okpo-nya-na-onwu”
("The drum of honor calls a hero twice—once in life, and once in death.")
or
“Okunabo Ufee-na-akpo Dike”
("Ufee calls the brave twice.")

Physically, the Ufee resembles the Ikpa drum ensemble, yet their symbolic meanings diverge greatly. While Ufee honors nobles, Ikpa is reserved for fallen warriors and those known for spilling blood. Hunters who slay formidable beasts like Atu (antelope), Agu (leopard), or the legendary Ene nwa-ugo-ji-obala (a mythic creature) may be given the Ikpa burial rites.

Unlike Ufee, the Ikpa ensemble celebrates brute courage. Ufee, however, transforms an ordinary person (Ofeke) into a noble (Ozo), and later accompanies them to the ancestral realm. A Lolo may dance to Ufee music in honor of her status, but Ufee will never play at her burial. That final honor is reserved solely for men it once raised to nobility.

##Ikpa Musical Ensemble
The Ikpa group is a unique musical troupe that appears only during the funerals of valorous individuals. They are never summoned for festive events such as chieftaincy title-taking. In the worldview of the people, Ikpa embodies the solemn and fearsome aspect of nature's dual principles. Their presence is strictly linked to funeral rites of individuals recognized for bravery—typically warriors who returned with the heads of human enemies.

Though their performance is done in open spaces, it is a domain reserved for the deserving. Only those with proven deeds or family rights to the Ikpa tradition are permitted to dance. If anyone steps into the Ikpa dance ground uninvited, the drummers immediately challenge the person with a rhythmic interrogation from the ekwe shinne, beating: Igbulu-gini? Igbulu-gini? Igbulu-gini?—meaning, "What have you slain?" The dancer is expected to respond boldly, often by recounting battles fought and heads claimed, while raising his left arm in affirmation of his exploits.

One story tells of a warrior who, instead of recounting his past, demonstrated his capability by beheading the ekwe shinne player on the spot—an act that shocked the gathering and instantly ended the ceremony in panic. The Ikpa force is believed to overpower those who are qualified, compelling them to respond. In the Ezeagu region, Ikpa, also known as Ekwe-ike, is a sacred tradition exclusive to men.

Culturally, objects—such as tubers of yam—imbued with the essence of Ikpa can cause infertility if consumed by women. This was a traditional method of controlling birth, but it was not practiced randomly. It required the woman to be accompanied by a male from her husband’s lineage. Only select families possess the spiritual authority to perform or use Ikpa instruments. During ceremonies, the Ikpa group is honored with offerings, including live cocks, believed to spiritually recharge their instruments.

UMANA: Umana, also called Umu-naa, was the fourth male offspring of Ezeagu, but the only child born to Udeagu. For this reason, Udeagu affectionately referred to him with the nickname "Umuchildren, Naa one," implying he was worth several children in one. Umana fathered two sons: Obeleagu and Awo.

Awo established three distinct communities, namely:

Umana-Ndiuno

Umana-Ndiagu

Umana-Agba


On the other hand, Obeleagu Umana had six sons, who went on to form family settlements with their names:

Umuagbo-Obeleagu-Umana

Ugwuakulu-Obeleagu-Umana

Evazu-Obeleagu-Umana

Amaji-Obeleagu-Umana

Osonu-Obeleagu-Umana

Okpudo-Obeleagu-Umana


From Awo-Umana-Ndiuno, three sons emerged:

Ishigw-Umana

Okunito-Umana

Owelle-Mba-Umana


Owelle-Mba later gave birth to Obunofia and Umumba.

UMUMBA: The third male descendant of Umana, known as Umumba, had five male children in the following order:

Umuolatu

Idume

Umuodama

Obodombombo

Umuajor


These lineages established their homes in Umumba Ndiuno, but in time, some members branched out and created the satellite communities of Aguobu Umumba and Umumba Ndiagu. Despite the distance, these groups maintain a close familial link with their original base, strengthened annually by a cultural gathering known as Agbaja-na-Agu, during which all branches come together to celebrate, dine, and reaffirm kinship.

OBINOFIA: The second male child of Umana, called Obinofia, had five sons, each of whom founded villages:

Umu-Awo

Umu-Eze

Umu-Ezeagu

Okpoise

Umuonaga


These descendants originally settled in Obinofia Ndiuno, but some later migrated to form a related outpost, Obinofia Ndiagu. The bond between Ndiuno and Ndiagu has remained strong through the generations. Every household in the newer settlement can trace its roots back to its origin in Ndiuno, and the people regularly pay homage to their ancestral base during important cultural events.

OKPOGHO: According to ancestral accounts, Okpogho—a clan whose name means “wealth” or “money”—claimed to have arrived in the Ezeagu area before the man Ezeagu himself settled there. Oral history connects Okpogho Diji-Owanaka to Umunri or Umueri origin. The clan is said to have migrated northward during a great dispersion, leaving behind kin in places like Agu-Ukwu and Enugu-Ukwu.

Eventually, Okpogho crossed the Ajalli (Ujalli) River, married a woman from the Ugwunye lineage, and became the ancestor of many, including a daughter named Mgbolie, who later married Ezeagu Igbudu.

Ancestors from Okpogho were considered royalty and held power independently. They were known as pioneers in agriculture, metallurgy, and traditional medicine. Their mastery of ironworking—extracting metal from raw ore using indigenous furnaces (utu)—was considered advanced technology for the time.

In economic terms, Okpogho transformed Igbo trade by introducing Ogbogho (money), thereby ending the barter system. The term Ona-Okpogho symbolized the use of money in bride price, blacksmithing, and general commerce. The people of Okpogho also claim to have discovered yam, along with its cultivation and preparation methods.

Spiritually, Okpogho is known for its priesthood and mysticism. They hold powers to confer Ozor titles and act as intermediaries between the gods and the people. Their Odo masquerade cult is widely revered and celebrated biennially across five locations:

Okpogho Imezi

Okpogho Mgbuta

Okpogho Ukwu-agba

Okpogho Okube

Okpogho Mbanito


These settlements share borders with communities like Oghe, Olo, Awha, Egede, Affa, Eke, and Uzo-Uwani.

##Traditional Governance In Ezeagu
In the Ezeagu region, leadership structures traditionally involved a combination of secret societies, age groups, women's associations such as Umu-Ada, and titled men. During the movement and resettlement of villages, leadership often emerged from individuals who demonstrated wisdom, strength, or diplomacy, rather than simply inheriting authority.

The title Ezeagu (meaning "King of the Farm") was not passed down by birth, but earned through notable deeds. Expressions like:

Onwu-Ama-Eze – “Death spares no king”

Eze-Ama-Ama – “A king known by all”

Ikpe-Ama-Eze – “A king is above judgment”

Eze-ako-nobi – “A king does not tremble”


…reflect how kingship was acknowledged and respected within the community.

The foundation of power rested in the Umunna, or extended family, and was further reinforced by an intricate system of titles such as:

Ichi-Ozo

Iba-mmanwu

Iwa-ogodu

Itu-eze

Igbu-ichi

Ikpu-ekwu


This framework promoted shared authority, consensus-building, and inclusivity. Every man presided over his household, and each village acted as a sovereign unit led by its Council of Elders, chaired by the Okpara or Eze Ani.

Influential men carried the Ofo, a symbol of sacred authority. Leadership positions—akin to ministers or judges—were awarded to men of proven capacity, and the council made decisions based on merit and collective wisdom.

Social values were upheld through high moral standards. Men distinguished for strength or service received honorary titles such as:

Dimgba (wrestling champion)

Di-jii (yam specialist)

Dinta (hunter)

Dimbia (herbal healer)

Di-ochi (palm wine tapper)


Wrongdoing, particularly theft, was publicly condemned through acts like Aja-mme, a ritual of public shaming.

Markets operated freely and honestly. It was common to leave wares unattended and return days later to find them untouched. Exploitation was discouraged, and places like Afor Iwollo became symbols of fair trade, known by names such as Ufa-Agunam, meaning "May I not profit unfairly."

When disputes arose—often over land—they were handled by respected elders or settled through oaths at sacred shrines. Despite tensions, such matters were usually resolved over time without violence.

##Religion And Festivals
The people of Ezeagu were deeply spiritual. They believed in Chi-Ukwu (the Supreme Being), supported by lesser gods like Chineke and Chi-ukwu-okike, and saw divine presence in daily life. Worship took place at individual, family, and community levels. Ancestors were honored through rituals, while major shrines included:

Olie-Owa

Ugwu-Ezema-Owa

Anunu-Uzu

Bonoshi

Umana

Isigwu-Neke

Otite Amansiodo

Ofufe-Iwollo

Ugwu-Omala-Akama

Chi-Agaliga-Awha


Dibias, or spiritual healers, often acted as intermediaries between people and these deities.

Social celebrations such as the Mmanwu Ibono (Masquerade Festival) and Akani/Ifejioku (New Yam Festival) were central to Ezeagu identity. Every male child was expected to be inducted into the Ibono masquerade cult by the age of twelve—a rite that marked the transition into manhood.

During these festivals, married women visited their birth families with their spouses and children. These reunions became important platforms for bonding, storytelling, and cultural exchange. Children met distant relatives, shared moonlight tales, and learned about their lineage, reinforcing communal values and identity.

##The Establishment Of The Ezeagu Administrative Unit
The formation of Ezeagu as a distinct administrative unit, carved out from the Udi Division, was not achieved overnight. It resulted from years of persistent dialogue, planning, and advocacy by Ezeagu’s traditional rulers, elders, and community leaders. The push for this development dates back to 1952, when Ezeagu attained recognition as a Native Administration with its headquarters at Aguobu-Owa. This vision finally came to fruition in 1974 under the leadership of Chief Hon. Ukpabi Asika, the East Central State Administrator. By 1975, Ezeagu was formally established as a full-fledged division with Hon. Gordian Chibunine Nwafor serving as its pioneer Council Chairman.

Efforts to achieve autonomy for Ezeagu resumed with renewed vigor immediately after the Nigerian Civil War in 1970. Numerous memoranda were drafted, petitions submitted, and lobbying efforts intensified to gain governmental approval for the separation of Ezeagu from Udi. However, most of these appeals were either suppressed or failed to reach the East Central State Administrator, Chief Hon. Ukpabi Asika, and none received formal acknowledgment.

A turning point came through a ceremonial march by the Ezeagu OTU-OLU-OBODO women, during which the First Lady, Chief Mrs. Chinyere Ukpabi Asika—an Owerri native—represented her husband. This event opened a channel through which the Ezeagu case was finally presented to the Administrator. Chief Mrs. Ezilo and Chief Madam Gold Ndu, both daughters of Owerri married into Ezeagu, played critical roles in facilitating this presentation. They delivered archived letters and petitions from 1970 onward to Mrs. Asika, who in turn relayed them to her husband.

Impressed by the weight of these demands, His Excellency initiated a formal review, opening a case file for the matter and commencing discussions.

Opponents of the movement argued that the push was a parochial initiative rooted in the lineage of Ezeagu Igbudu, and alleged that broader segments of the Ezeagu Native Authority were not involved. They further stoked division, suggesting that communities like Awha and Olo/Amagu Umulokpa would suffer marginalization under a centralized Ezeagu administration.

Winning over these hesitant communities—particularly Awha and Olo/Amagu Umulokpa, which were previously aligned with the Agbaja and Ngwo County Council headquartered at 9th Mile Corner—required concerted effort. A series of key meetings were held, notably at No. 61 Owerri Road, Asata Enugu, under the auspices of Igwe Senator P.C. Ndu, the traditional ruler of Ezeagu. Leaders like Chief Nnachetam (Megemu) and Chief Agana spearheaded the engagement with Awha and Olo. While skepticism lingered, especially due to concerns of being overshadowed, Chief Nnachetam recognized the political advantage of aligning his leadership across a broader region—comprising Imezi Olo, Amandim Olo, Ezema Olo, Ibite Olo, Ogulogu Olo, and Amagu Umulokpa—bounded by neighboring Anambra communities and the Duu and Ivvo rivers.

While Olo considered joining Uzo-Uwani, the geographical barrier of River Duu and the risk of losing Amagu Umulokpa—who would instead rejoin their kin in Akiyi, Ezeora, and Ogbosu—deterred them.

For Awha—composed of Ikenge, Ogwofia, and Agbagbo in both Imezi and Ndiagu—their geographic encirclement by Ezeagu descendants left little room for alternative alignment. Assurances of equitable treatment eventually eased their concerns.

Ultimately, Olo, Ugbenu, and Awha Diaba—referred to as the AWUKE N’AWUGA—were persuaded to support the referendum. Thus, the Ezeagu Administrative Unit was formally constituted.

##The Agbaja Tribe
The Agbaja people are spread across the present-day Udi and Ezeagu Local Government Areas. A number of cultural and historical landmarks unite them, including the renowned Agbaja Forum, the traditional Akani and Igba-Abah feasts, and the Ozo title system.

Among neighboring regions like Agwu and Nkanu, people from Udi and Ezeagu are collectively identified as Agbaja.

Oral traditions recount that Ezeagu was historically the principal source of traditional healers (Dibias), known for their spiritual dedication. Their day typically began with long invocations to the deities, breaking kola nuts, and consulting with spirits using AFFA divination. Ritual offerings—Ichu-Aja or Igba-Aja—were often prescribed to appease the gods, ensuring the potency of herbal remedies. These Dibias, who frequently performed these rituals themselves, were commonly called Ogba-Aja (those who make sacrifices).

The Imezi-Owa community was often referred to as Agbaja-Owa, and Umumba still upholds an annual reunion and homage to Agbaja N’Agu, held at Umumba Ndi-Uno. Within the Ezeagu worldview, the term Agbaja is synonymous with indigeneity or ancestral origin.

Historical records show that the colonial administration, beginning in the early 1920s, dismantled the title of Paramount Chief across Igboland. Governor H.C. Clifford criticized the system as inconsistent with Igbo customs, leading to the stripping of titles from figures like Chukwuani (1922) and Chief Walter Amobi (1923). Even Onyeama of Eke—despite his valuable service—was eventually demoted from his paramount status, though he retained the presidency over the Eke Native Court of Appeal.

Enugu District Officer N.C. Duncan noted in his records that Onyeama’s authority stemmed from hereditary rights as Okuru Awha of the Agbaja Tribe. He suggested that the title was akin to a “Public Orator”—not a dictator—with broad community backing. According to Igbo tradition, akin to Anglo-Saxon customs, leadership was based on merit rather than birth order.

The Governor-General formally permitted Onyeama to use the Okuru Awha title in July 1925, with the understanding that it did not confer paramount chieftaincy.

##Agbaja Clan Native Authority
The initial administrative organization of the Agbaja Clan Native Authority consisted of six town groupings:

EKE GROUP: Eke, Nsude, Ngwo

UDI GROUP: Udi, Amokwe, Abia, Agbudu

UKANA GROUP: Ebe, Abor, Awhum, Ukana, Okpatu, Umulumgbe, Umuawka

EGEDE GROUP: Nze, Egede, Akpukwume, Affa, Oghu

OYE GROUP: Oye (Oghe), Olo, Awha, Okpobo (Okpogho)

OWA GROUP: Agbaja-Owa, Aguobu-Owa, Mgbagbu-Owa, Umumba, Obinofia, Unama